A Seattle branch of Starbucks voted to unionize on Tuesday (3/22/22) following 6 other branches in the US doing so recently. Five branches in New York and one in Arizona. This branch is the first of all the branches to unionize in Starbuck's founding city of Seattle. Starting a chain reaction, more than 150 locations in the US are now petitioning to be unionized. Investors are citing Starbucks’ reputation as an employee-friendly workplace (tuition breaks etc.) and asking Starbucks to work with their unions, taking a neutral stance on them, even asking the corporation to stop sending anti-union emails to their employees. These sentiments may be in vain after the new CEO steps in for Kevin Johnson. The new CEO Howard Schultz reportedly has a long history of being anti-union. This movement of unionization comes at a time when the Labor force participation rate is particularly low, likely due to early retirement following covid. Labor force participation rate is everyone in the Civilian Labor force out of all the Noninstitutionalized civilian population. This lowered labor force participation rate, in combination with the normal (not inflated due to covid unemployment rate) unemployment rate, is resulting in a labor shortage. Many factors contribute to this evolving trend, but the leading factor is growing monopsony power from firms over labor input from organizational restructuring that has outgrown the legal definition of employer, unfavorable anti competitive employment contracts, and underenforcement of antitrust and labor rights laws.
Our article, “Structural Labor Rights” by Hiba Hafiz (February, 2021), discusses in detail the effect of firm market power of setting input prices, monopsony, on unemployment and wage stagnation through many studies of economics, and defines equal bargaining power purpose of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). Within the article, Hafiz describes the negative effects of monopsony power on laborers as the unequal ability to bargain price of labor; with firms holding overwhelming power as a “price setter” in the labor market, rather than a competitive outcome of all firms being “price takers”, stating concisely, “While employers retain rights to integrate, disintegrate, consolidate, or tacitly coordinate their power to their advantage under corporate, antitrust, contract, and property law, workers’ collective rights have eroded to the point where they lack any substantive ability to function as counterstructure—as effective countervailing power against employers” (Hafiz, 2021) from this understanding, and decisions made by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and judicial system, we can clearly see businesses are evolving quicker than both the laws that govern them, consequently this severely negatively affects a laborer’s unionization abilities. It is from this unequal distribution of bargaining power that we see labor unions being further obliterated by firms with help from federal agencies, courts, and even the NLRB themselves. While not all of those aiding employers in the drive to create a stranglehold on American laborers are active players, underenforcement of antitrust and labor rights laws from federal agencies and departments has the exact same outcome as taking an active role in the extinction of labor unions. Unlike the indirect attacks on laborers stated above, there are more direct and obvious attempts at circumventing competition in the labor market and creating disadvantages for workers found within employment contracts given to employees. Described by the article, “Workers who sign non-competes in their employment contracts earn less than equivalent workers who do not, and workers subject to no-poaching agreements are even worse off because they are often unaware that those agreements exist. Workers are not parties to such employer-to-employer agreements, and employers agree to them in secret because they can violate the antitrust laws” (Hafiz, 2021). This, again, stems from an issue of underenforcement from federal agencies and departments. Viewing these points through the WS/PS model, its not all bad news. There are still grassroots movements to unionze, like the one happening in our backyard. These unions will still have an effect on wage setting and price setting curves.
On the WS/PS framework, the presence of labor unions could affect both the wage setting and price setting curves. Labor unions in the Starbucks corporation will result in lowered markup, or market power for Starbucks as they are setting their wages. Markup is a determinant of the price setting curve. A decrease in market power will decrease the denominator in the real wage equation, causing the real wage to see an increase. On the WS/PS model we will see the PS curve shift up. It is possible that the presence of labor unions will have an effect on the Wage setting curve as well. Though possible, it is unlikely that in the case of Starbucks we will see this shift because there aren't enough unions to have much power over the corporation. The price of labor is found within the relationship between price determination, or a firm's market power (their ability to raise price over the competitive rate), and real wages. This can be represented as a function of unemployment, denoted as "u", and other employment factors, denoted as "z", deflated using a price deflator to turn nominal wages into real wages. With the relatively normal unemployment rate we currently have, it is expected that the “other factors,” or z will be the determinant of wage setting. Using this understanding, adding labor protections and benefits through collective bargaining (an outcome of labor unions) increases the "z" value while protecting current workers from further unemployment within the firm or industry. This will cause the Wage Setting curve to shift right. While this may result in a higher unemployment rate, increased worker protections are likely to keep people in the workforce longer as people are more satisfied with their jobs.